PPP: Romney, cerca de su primera mayoría absoluta en NV

Public Policy Polling:

Mitt Romney is headed for a dominant victory in Nevada on Saturday. PPP finds him polling at 50% to 25% for Newt Gingrich, 15% for Ron Paul, and 8% for Rick Santorum.

Certainly in Nevada the Mormon vote will get a lot of attention and Romney leads Paul 78-14 with that group, which we project to account for 20% of the vote. But Romney's dominance in Nevada goes well beyond that. He's winning voters describing as 'very conservative,' a group he's had huge amount of trouble with in other states, by a 43-34 margin over Gingrich. He's also winning men, women, Hispanics, whites, and every age group that we track. This will be a pretty thorough victory for him.

The bad news for Gingrich isn't just that's headed for a distant second place finish. Nevada Republicans actively dislike him, with only 41% holding a favorable opinion of him to 49% with a negative one. That's an indication that GOP voters might be starting to sour on him again, sending his numbers back to pre-South Carolina levels.

Santorum has great favorability numbers, with 64% of voters seeing him positively to only 23% with a negative opinion. That was the case in Florida as well, but it's just not translating into much support for him. He's the most frequent 2nd choice candidate in Nevada with 30% picking him on that question and no one else above 16%. That's more evidence that in a less crowded field he might be able to get some more traction. But for now it's just not happening.

It looks like Paul will be able to build on his 14% showing in Nevada in 2008, but catching up to Gingrich for 2nd place appears unlikely. His key will be turning out young voters at a higher rate than we're projecting. With voters under 45 he leads Gingrich by a 23-20 margin. But with older ones he lags behind Newt 29-11.

Romney hits the 70% favorability mark in Nevada, something we've seen for him in very few states. Just 25% see him unfavorably. That's partially due to an 89/8 standing with Mormons, but he's at a still very strong 64/30 with non-Mormons as well. One thing that's contributing to Romney's strength in Nevada is a strong advantage on the electability question. 56% think he would be the strongest candidate against Barack Obama this fall with no one else topping 21%.

It looks like the main suspense in Nevada Saturday will be whether Romney can crack that 50% mark.

Crecen las tensiones entre Gingrich y Santorum

National Review:

Tensions between the Santorum and Gingrich camps are growing. Santorum advisers are irked at Gingrich’s public attempts to nudge their candidate out of the race; Gingrich aides are frustrated by Santorum’s quixotic determination, his unwillingness to cede the anti-establishment mantle.

Earlier this week, in a Fox News interview, Gingrich verbalized his inner circle’s agitation. “The longer conservatives stay split, the harder it’s going to be for us to [beat Romney],” he said. “We risk not being able to beat Obama unless we get a conservative. I have to win the nomination.”

Santorum confidants chuckle at Gingrich’s declaration. “Gingrich’s stock is falling, and we’re picking up a lot of his people,” says John Brabender, Santorum’s senior strategist. “People know that we need an alternative to Mitt Romney. But Gingrich had his shot in Florida, and he failed.”

Brabender predicts that during the month of February, with only one debate and a slew of caucuses, Santorum will assert himself as the viable Romney challenger. And if Gingrich continues to issue hubristic statements, conservatives will sour on the former speaker.

“Gingrich has been trying to push us out, and people find it offensive,” Brabender says. “We’re not going to tell him to get out of the race; that’s a personal decision.”

The timing of Gingrich’s comments — they came around the time Santorum was tending to Bella, his hospitalized daughter — inflamed the fractious relations between the two campaigns. “The mere fact that he was doing it smells of political opportunism and people found it problematic and troubling,” Brabender says.

“Beyond that, I won’t talk about Gingrich,” Brabender says. “I will compliment Governor Romney and Congressman Paul. Their campaigns personally reached out to us [regarding Bella]. None of that was expected, so I won’t criticize anybody for not doing it. But that was very sincere and gratifying.”

Speaking on background, a handful of Gingrich advisers acknowledge that they could have “played the weekend message a little better, been a little more careful about angering Santorum,” as one surrogate puts it. Other Gingrich backers say that as Romney surges, there is not enough time to wait, that Gingrich must begin to showcase his strengths and Santorum’s shortcomings.

Still, from what NRO can glean from behind-the-scenes chatter, Gingrich will not forcefully tell Santorum to bow out. Instead, in coming days, select Gingrich aides will reach out to major Republicans who are close to Santorum, delicately asking them to chat with Santorum about his path ahead, what’s best for his family, and about the need to beat Romney.

“The longer Gingrich talks about Santorum, the longer Santorum stays in the race,” says one source close to Gingrich. “He will stop talking about Santorum, unless it’s to ask him about his daughter. Instead of playing chicken with Santorum, he’ll focus on Obama.”

A top GOP official, who has known Gingrich for years, says that’s a smart, necessary strategy. “Anytime Gingrich mentions Santorum, Santorum gets noticed,” the official says. “The key for Gingrich is fighting with Romney, not turning around and throwing punches at the senator.”

Nevertheless, Santorum sources say the raw wound between the pair is unlikely to heal, even if Gingrich backs off. “We’re not getting calls from big conservatives,” says one Santorum source. “That’s not happening at all. Many Republicans don’t want Mitt to be the nominee. They also know that Gingrich can’t beat Mitt. They’re waiting to see if we can make a move in February.”

Watching from afar, conservative leaders describe the Gingrich–Santorum spat as an unfortunate one, noting that it deepens movement divisions. “On all sides, it’s getting out of hand,” says Grover Norquist, the president of Americans for Tax Reform. “The punches are landing not just on the other candidate but on the Republican party.” He fears that if the race devolves into a bloody, nonstop brawl — Santorum versus Gingrich, Gingrich versus Romney — then the eventual nominee could be very bruised come August, when the general election begins.

Other Republican observers are less concerned, calling the Gingrich–Santorum war a natural outgrowth of a tightened race. “The toughest relationships in presidential primaries often are between the remaining two conservative challengers, not between the front-runner and the challengers,” says Ralph Reed, a veteran GOP consultant. “Those relationships become frayed. In 1988 you saw a similar fight between Jack Kemp and Pat Robertson; in 1996, you saw it between Phil Gramm and Steve Forbes. Now we see it between Gingrich and Santorum.”

Super donantes

The Washington Post ofrece la lista de los donantes de los Super PACs de Romney, Gingrich, Santorum, Paul, y Obama. Romney se lleva la palma.

Romney en Hannity (Fox News)

Romney promete que será agresivo debatiendo con Obama. Dice que quiere debatir tan a menudo como sea posible, apuntando que los aspirantes generalmente suelen desear hacer más debates que los Presidentes.

Reconoce que metió la pata con el comentario sobre los muy pobres. Dice que se asegurará de que la red de protección de los pobres funcione, pero subraya su preocupación por la gente de ingresos medios.



Continúa: Parte 2

Gingrich en Hannity (Fox News)

Gingrich sigue confiado en recuperar el momentum perdido. Preguntado sobre cómo piensa hacerlo, dice que despertando a la gente y desarrollando grandes ideas, y recuerda que, "Tenemos más de 160,000 donantes y tenemos gente que se une a nosotros cada día, y un 90% da menos de 250 dólares."

Santorum en Hannity (Fox News)

Santorum dice que Romney y Gingrich han cruzado la línea de los ataques personales, y confía en poder crecer a costa de ambos.

Donald Trump: es un honor apoyar a Mitt Romney

Donald Trump: "Es un verdadero honor y un privilegio dar mi apoyo a Mitt Romney. Mitt es duro, listo y agudo. No va a dejar que sigan pasándole cosas malas a este país al que amamos. Así que, Gobernador Romney, ve a por ellos, puedes hacerlo."

El Gobernador Romney se ha declarado "honrado y encantado" por el apoyo, y ha reconocido que es "uno de esos momentos que no puedes imaginar en la vida."

Es un gran tanto para Romney de cara a la elección general porque evita tener en frente una candidatura independiente muy bien financiada.

Gingrich quiere un trampolín para los pobres

En una fábrica de Las Vegas, el Speaker Gingrich ha acusado a Romney y Obama de favorecer una red de seguridad para los pobres en lugar de ponerlos a trabajar para que puedan salir de la pobreza.

"Creo de verdad que nos deberíamos preocupar por los muy pobres, a diferencia del Gobernador Romney. Pero creo que deberíamos preocuparnos de manera muy diferente a Barack Obama... Lo que los pobres necesitan es un trampolín para poder elevarse, así que yo defiendo sustituir la red de seguridad por un trampolín... A diferencia del Gobernador Romney, yo me preocupo de verdad de asegurarme de que todas las personas tengan el derecho a perseguir la felicidad. No tienen derecho a una felicidad determinada por el gobierno, lo cual es imposible, a pesar de Barack Obama. Obama cree que es tan listo que puede venir aquí y robar a los demasiado felices para redistribuirlo a los menos felices."

"The Only One"

Nuevo anuncio del Super PAC de Santorum que se emitirá en Minnesota.

NARRADOR: "No son tan diferentes (Gingrich, Romney y Obama). Apoyan el gran gobierno que estrangula la habilidad de nuestra nación para crear empleos. Rescates financieros. Asistencia sanitaria dirigida por el gobierno. ¿En quién podemos confiar? Rick Santorum. Es el único conservador probado con un plan audaz para restaurar la grandeza de América, crear empleos dinámicos, cortar el despilfarro, y reformar Washington. Rick Santorum para Presidente."

Donald Trump apoyará a Romney

Según Associated Press:

Three Republican officials are telling The Associated Press that Donald Trump intends to endorse Mitt Romney's presidential bid. Trump plans to make the announcement Thursday afternoon at his casino hotel in Las Vegas.

The surprise development comes even though Newt Gingrich had informed close advisers Wednesday night that he had expected to win the real estate developer's support.

The GOP officials spoke on the condition of anonymity so as not to pre-empt Trump's announcement.

Entente cordiale entre Romney y Paul

The Washington Post:

The remaining candidates in the winnowed Republican presidential field are attacking one another with abandon, each day bringing fresh headlines of accusations and outrage.

But Mitt Romney and Ron Paul haven’t laid a hand on each other.

They never do.

Despite deep differences on a range of issues, Romney and Paul became friends in 2008, the last time both ran for president. So did their wives, Ann Romney and Carol Paul. The former Massachusetts governor compliments the Texas congressman during debates, praising Paul’s religious faith during the last one, in Jacksonville, Fla. Immediately afterward, as is often the case, the Pauls and the Romneys gravitated toward one another to say hello.

The Romney-Paul alliance is more than a curious connection. It is a strategic partnership: for Paul, an opportunity to gain a seat at the table if his long-shot bid for the presidency fails; for Romney, a chance to gain support from one of the most vibrant subgroups within the Republican Party.

“It would be very foolish for anybody in the Republican Party to dismiss a very real constituency,” said one senior GOP aide in Washington who is familiar with both camps. “Ron Paul plays a very valuable part in the process and brings a lot of voters toward the Republican Party and ultimately into the voting booth, and that’s something that can’t be ignored.”

To ensure that they are heard — not just now but after Election Day, too — Paul and his followers are working to gain a permanent foothold in the Republican Party nationwide. One state at a time, Paul’s supporters are seating themselves at county committee meetings, and standing for election as state officers and convention delegates, to make sure their candidate’s libertarian vision is taken into account. The goal is a lasting voice for an army of outsiders that has long felt ignored and sees the nation headed toward ruin if things don’t change.

That is just fine with the Romney campaign, which would be happy to bring Paul’s constituency — perhaps the most intense and loyal in the country — into the fold.

Romney’s aides are “quietly in touch with Ron Paul,” according to a Republican adviser who is in contact with the Romney campaign and spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss its internal thinking. The two campaigns have coordinated on minor things, the adviser said — even small details, such as staggering the timing of each candidate’s appearance on television the night of the New Hampshire primary for maximum effect.

One advantage for Romney is that Paul’s presence in the race helps keep the GOP electorate fractured. But there is also a growing recognition that the congressman plans to stay in the contest over the long term — and that accommodating him and his supporters could help unify Republican voters in the general election against President Obama.

“Ron Paul wants a presence at the convention,” the adviser said — and Romney, if he is the nominee, would grant it.

What Paul and his supporters would demand, and what Romney would offer, are subjects of some speculation. One Paul adviser, speaking on the condition of anonymity to talk freely, said prime-time speaking slots for Paul and his son Rand, the junior senator from Kentucky, are obvious goals. On the policy front, Ron Paul’s priorities are reforming the Federal Reserve and reducing federal spending. So promises to audit the Fed and to tackle deficit reduction seriously could appease the congressman and his supporters, the adviser said.

Less likely are concessions on foreign policy, where Paul’s non-interventionist stand is at odds with that of Romney and most other Republicans.

El front-runner al que nadie quiere (caso Clinton)

Un pasaje del libro 'Upside down and inside out: the 1992 elections and American politics' de James W. Ceaser y Andrew Busch:

... Yet only five days after gaining his hard-won position as the presumptive Democratic nominee, Clinton was faced with a challenge that threw the race into an unexpected third stage. Jerry Brown, who had earlier won the Colorado primary and the Maine caucuses but had remained overshadowed by the Clinton-Tsongas matchup, upset Clinton in the Connecticut primary.

Brown harassed Clinton for another month, during wich time more revelations about Clinton's draft avoidance surfaced. Clinton also confessed to having tried marijuana as a student at Oxford while denying that he had inhaled. It was not clear what harmed him more - the confession or the denial.

Brown, as the latest outsider in a year of outsiders, also atacked Clinton for being a special-interest candidate. The former California Governor proposed to replace the current income tax system with a flat tax, and refused to take contributions over $100, relying instead on a much publicized 1-800 number. He also had increasing success at winning union votes, beginning with an appeal to auto workers concerned about the two front-runners' pro-free trade position...

Las Vegas Review-Journal: cómoda ventaja de Romney en NV

Las Vegas Review-Journal:

A new poll shows Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney headed for a blowout victory Saturday in Nevada's GOP caucuses.

Romney wins support from 45 percent of Nevada Republicans who said they plan to participate in the caucuses, the survey commissioned by the Las Vegas Review-Journal and 8NewsNow said.

Newt Gingrich is Romney's closest threat with 25 percent backing, thanks in large part to Republicans who say they "strongly support" the tea party movement.

Rick Santorum edges out Ron Paul, 11 percent to 9 percent, although the Texas congressman often outperforms polls by turning out his loyal backers in caucus contests, where party members pick their favorites. Paul is deeply organized here. Santorum, a former senator from Pennsylvania, is not well-known in Nevada and only recently hired staff and opened an office to compete here.

Another 9 percent said they didn't know who they planned to back. That leaves room for a Romney opponent to pick up undecided support before Saturday -- or for the former Massachusetts governor to make gains and try to match his winning 51 percent total in the 2008 GOP caucuses here.

"If Romney gets 50 percent, it means conservatives are finally coalescing around him," said David Damore, a political science professor at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. "Romney has to expand beyond the establishment to demonstrate he's got momentum and the party behind him."

Damore said Gingrich needs to hit the 30 percent mark on Saturday to show he can hold conservatives and battle for the GOP nomination through Super Tuesday in March, when the former House speaker has a chance to pick up some Southern states.

Paul "just needs to keep doing what he's doing," Damore said. "He's got a strategy -- it's not enough to win -- to keep plugging away to pick up delegates in caucus states."

Nevada pone a prueba a Ron Paul

The New York Times:

The Nevada caucuses now loom as a key test for Mr. Paul’s movement: After forgoing an expensive winner-take-all primary in Florida where they had no chance of success, his campaign is wagering all it has on Nevada and other coming votes in smaller-market caucus states like Colorado and Maine, part of a strategy to skim delegates in contests where they are awarded proportionally, based on the number of votes.

At stake for Mr. Paul in these caucuses and primaries is not the Republican nomination but whether his support structure will finally grow from what some establishment Republicans deem no more than a fringe effort driven by a handful of issues to a movement with the leverage to dictate policy and platform changes to the national Republican Party and its nominee.

(...) Yet to some extent how much real leverage he can attain with the national party remains an open question and depends on how he performs in a series of contests to come, starting with Nevada, where he won 14 percent of the vote four years ago.

Expectations are even higher this year, but Mr. Paul faces a major hurdle: Mitt Romney’s strong base of support and organization here. In 2008, Mr. Romney won 51 percent of the vote, the same as in his home state, Massachusetts. Surveys of voters at the time showed that 9 out of 10 Mormons — about a quarter of Nevada caucusgoers — voted for Mr. Romney. While Mr. Romney seems to have had a ceiling of support in some other states, Republican officials here say the religious dynamic suggests he has a floor at about 25 percent.

Paul organizers hope to dent that through a heavy regimen of training for local organizers as well as relentless phone-banking. Some people who have indicated a preference for Mr. Paul say they have been called three times in recent days by campaign workers reminding them of the time and place of their local caucus.

5 posibles escenarios

Basándose en precedentes históricos, Nate Silver presenta 5 posibles escenarios en los que pueden desembocar las primarias republicanas:

Interpretation No. 1: It’s All Over but the Concession Speeches.

What Happens Next — The Short Version: Mr. Romney gets some real and sustainable momentum from Florida and wraps up the nomination quickly and easily.

What Happens Next — The Long Version: Mr. Romney gets a lift in national polls and takes a considerable lead in most surveys. He easily wins next week’s caucuses, building further momentum. He begins to roll out more endorsements, including some important and surprising ones from conservative leaders who are trusted by the Republican base. Rick Santorum drops out and either endorses Mr. Romney outright or otherwise makes clear that he considers Mr. Romney the most acceptable choice. Newt Gingrich either drops out or reverts to running a half-hearted campaign.

Popular attention to the nomination race dwindles, and the news media’s focus shifts to the general election. The outcome of Super Tuesday is a foregone conclusion. Any further losses that Mr. Romney takes are a result of special circumstances — for instance, to Mr. Gingrich in Mr. Gingrich’s home state of Georgia.

Precedent: The 2000 Republican race is the best example of a contest in which the front-runner, George W. Bush, lost a couple of early states but was perhaps never in any real danger of losing the nomination.

(...) Interpretation No. 2: Florida Is the New Normal.

What Happens Next — The Short Version: Florida is the best benchmark for the Republican race going forward: Mr. Romney has a clear but not overwhelming advantage. The race may continue for some time, particularly depending on the preferences of Mr. Gingrich, but in such a way that the ultimate outcome is not seriously in doubt.

What Happens Next — The Long Version: Mr. Romney endures a few more losses along the way, including in some midsize states, especially in the South. However, he wins the clear majority of contests. His advantages are accentuated by his performance in caucus states and his support among automatic delegates (the Republican equivalent of “super delegates”).

Volatility in the race decreases. Mr. Romney holds a stable if not overwhelming lead in national polls. There may be a point or two at which Mr. Romney loses a state unexpectedly, but this is not accompanied by a pronounced decline in his national poll ratings.

Meanwhile, some swing voters grow impatient with Mr. Gingrich, especially as his path to the nomination becomes more mathematically implausible. Some of them begin to support Mr. Romney just to get the contest over with.

Precedent: The 1992 Democratic race featured a gadfly candidate, Jerry Brown, who was never any real threat to win the nomination. Bill Clinton, the front-runner that year, did endure a handful of losses to Mr. Brown, but he never lost his lead in national polls and was able to place most of his focus on November.

(...) Interpretation No. 3: Anybody but Romney? Certainly Not Newt.

What Happens Next — The Short Version: Support for Mr. Gingrich erodes more than support for Mr. Romney builds. There is a limited window of opportunity for Mr. Santorum, but he needs considerable luck to take advantage of it. Mr. Romney probably wins, perhaps fairly easily, but there is some drama along the way.

What Happens Next — The Long Version: Mr. Gingrich experiences a significant decline in national polls and does poorly in the caucus states. He gets no more support from his “super PAC,” and his campaign becomes increasingly unfocused.

However, Republicans are not necessarily ready to gravitate to Mr. Romney. Instead, they give Mr. Santorum another look, and he is buoyed by some modest success like a strong finish in the Minnesota caucus or a win in the Missouri beauty contest primary.

Mr. Santorum is competitive in several Super Tuesday states, including Ohio, and proves to be a reasonably strong match for Mr. Romney in the debates. Mr. Gingrich is not eager to drop out, but some of his supporters gravitate toward Mr. Santorum as he comes to be seen as more viable, perhaps forcing the issue.

Still, Mr. Santorum faces some considerable disadvantages: he lacks resources, and is always running from behind in the delegate count. He has a chance to win if everything breaks just right, but more likely concedes after a failed last stand in a state like Texas or Wisconsin on April 3. Mr. Romney takes some limited damage for the general election, but of the kind that would make a difference only in an extremely close race.

Precedent: In recent nomination races, there has not been a good example of a “third wheel” candidate coming from behind to emerge with the nomination. Instead, this scenario bears more resemblance to the period between about 1968 and 1976, when the nomination process was in a transitional phase. Jimmy Carter in 1976, for instance, was not an ideal Democratic nominee, but prevailed after “anybody but Carter” efforts fizzled. The closest thing to an exception is probably 1972, when George McGovern came from behind to win the Democratic nomination, but Mr. McGovern took considerable advantage of the party’s new delegate allocation rules, which he had helped to design.

(...) Interpretation No. 4: Rinse, Lather, Repeat.

What Happens Next — The Short Version: There continues to be considerable volatility in the Republican race and any advantage that Mr. Romney has is tenuous. But he retains a slight edge in national polls and a clearer one in the delegate math. Mr. Gingrich remains his main rival.

What Happens Next — The Long Version: Mr. Romney gets little bounce in national polls from Florida or if he does, it fades quickly. He loses a couple of states in February, and a number of them on Super Tuesday. Still, Mr. Romney also wins his share of states and remains reasonably well-prepared for a war of attrition. The race remains volatile, and Mr. Romney endures some potential general election damage. But he is something like a 75 percent or 80 percent favorite to emerge with the nomination, with the victory probably occurring well before the convention.

Precedent: The 1984 Democratic race was reasonably close between Walter Mondale and Gary Hart. That race bears some resemblance to this one, in that Mr. Mondale was an establishment-backed nominee whom rank-and-file voters had limited enthusiasm for. Still, Mr. Mondale had a reasonably clear edge throughout the race in the delegate count, benefiting from this organizational advantages in caucus states, and he wrapped the nomination up before the convention.

(...) Interpretation No. 5: Florida Was a Fluke.

What Happens Next — The Short Version: A fight to the finish. Mr. Romney’s win in Florida resulted from idiosyncratic circumstances and has little predictive power for future states. He might win the nomination nevertheless, but he and Mr. Gingrich have assets and liabilities that roughly balance each other out.

What Happens Next — The Long Version: National polls continue to point toward a highly ambiguous result. Mr. Romney takes some hard-to-excuse losses in February — perhaps he wins Nevada because of his advantage among Mormon voters, but he loses either Arizona or Michigan on Feb. 28. Then his performance on Super Tuesday is underwhelming, and he loses Ohio. Mr. Romney has a number of opportunities to rebound but may or may not take advantage of them. Mr. Santorum drops out of the race — and although he might not endorse Mr. Gingrich, most of his voters wind up in Mr. Gingrich’s camp.

There is some chance of a brokered convention under this scenario, and an outside chance of a compromise candidate who is not running for president currently.

Precedent: Evenly matched fights to the finish have been rare; the closest thing to an exception was the 2008 Democratic nomination race.

Leed todo el trabajo para conocer las evidencias a favor y en contra de cada escenario.

Team Gingrich pleiteará por el reparto de delegados en Florida

Fox News:

Florida's primary might not be over just yet.

The Newt Gingrich campaign is gearing up to challenge the results of the Florida Republican presidential primary based on the Republican National Committee's own rules which state that no contest can be winner-take-all prior to April 1, 2012.

It was assumed that Mitt Romney, who won Tuesday's contest, would gain all 50 of the state's delegates. But the Gingrich campaign plans to challenge Florida's allocation and demand the delegates be divvied up proportionally.

Fox News has learned exclusively that on Thursday, a Florida Gingrich campaign official will begin the process of trying to have the RNC rules enforced so that the Sunshine State delegates are distributed based on the percentage of the vote each candidate got.

Pizza

Rick Santorum en la cocina del restaurante Manhattan Pizza de Las Vegas, Nevada.

Romney en Las Vegas, Nevada

Ninguna mención a sus rivales republicanos, en la primera parada de Romney en Nevada. Toda la atención puesta en Obama.

(click en la imagen para ver el video en otra ventana)

Santorum presume de apoyos en Colorado

El Senador Santorum presumió de endorsements ayer en Lakewood, Colorado. Entre los más destacados, el ex Congresista y ex candidato presidencial Tom Tancredo, la ex Vicegobernadora Jane Norton, y el ex Congresista Bob Schaffer.

Gingrich en Reno, Nevada

El Speaker Gingrich reunió a unas 200 personas en un restaurante de Reno. Prometió revocar el ObamaCare, desmantelar el 40% del gobierno de Obama, eliminar el actual sistema de compensación de 99 semanas a los desempleados, y no jurar lealtad al Rey de Arabia Saudí.

Intentando recuperar el tono positivo que perdió en los últimos días de campaña en Florida, se refirió a sus adversarios como "mis amigos". Justificó su derrota de Florida por haber gastado cinco veces menos dinero que Romney, y llamó a enfrentar el poder del pueblo con el poder del dinero.



Continúa: Parte 2

Romney en Eagan, Minnesota

Romney ha reunido a unos 400 seguidores en un almacén de esta pequeña ciudad al sur de Saint Paul, una zona republicana dentro de este estado tradicionalmente demócrata. Ha hablado de economía y empleo, mencionando a Obama en numerosas ocasiones. No ha mencionado, en cambio, a Newt Gingrich.