Obama y la primaria demócrata

Ralph Nader, el eterno candidato del Partido Verde, no tiene planes de volver a la arena política pero dice estar seguro de que alguien se postulará contra Obama en la primaria demócrata:

(...) Nader now says that a primary challenge is a near certainty.

“What [Obama] did this week is just going to energize that effort,” Nader promised in an interview with The Daily Caller. “I would guess that the chances of there being a challenge to Obama in the primary are almost 100 percent.”

The only question, he said, is the stature of that opponent and whether it will be either “an ex-senator or an ex-governor” or “an intellectual leader or an environmental leader.”

In approximately a week and a half there will be “another chapter of this effort,” Nader predicted. (...)

No es de la misma opinión Jay Cost, del Weekly Standard, que da cinco razones por las que ningún demócrata se atreverá a desafiar a Obama por la nominación, aunque habría que matizar que al menos ninguno que tenga aspiraciones reales de ocupar el Despacho Oval:

(...) First, he has money. He will raise substantially more than any would-be challenger. More money means a stronger organization, which is incredibly important for the front-loaded primary calendar. Jimmy Carter in 1976 could start slow and build momentum, but that is much more difficult now because of how early Super Tuesday is and how many primaries are on it. A candidate who lacks strong, positive name recognition and/or money to build state-by-state infrastructures will have an impossible time of competing.

Second, he has the White House. Ted Kennedy had an enormous lead over Jimmy Carter through all of 1979, but ultimately he carried just 35 percent of the primary vote in 1980. A big reason why was Carter’s excellent use of the Oval Office. Not only was Carter careful to dole out patronage in ways that helped him in the battle against Kennedy, but he also employed a masterful “Rose Garden Strategy,” in which he made a point every day to seem presidential. It worked like a charm.

Third, he has the Democratic client groups. While many liberals – like Harrop – are disappointed with Obama’s performance, the president has done an incredible job of appeasing the sundry client groups that make up the Democratic party. Public sector labor unions cheered the stimulus (and the NEA has already endorsed him for reelection!). The UAW loved the auto bailout, and the whole AFL-CIO appreciated his going soft on “Cadillac” health care plans. Environmental groups appreciate his efforts at cap and trade, as well as his tough new CAFE standards. Feminists appreciate his defeat of the Stupak amendment. Gay rights groups appreciate the repeal of Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell, and are obviously hopeful that he’ll get behind nationwide gay marriage when the time is right. Expect all of them to line up behind Obama. While it is possible for a Democrat to win the nomination without these groups (e.g. Jimmy Carter in 1976 and Bill Clinton in 1992), it is extremely difficult to win when the party groups have lined up behind another candidate (e.g. Gary Hart losing to Walter Mondale in 1984).

Fourth, he has African Americans. The president’s support with this group is rock solid, and with the Southern white vote now firmly in the Republican camp, Obama will easily dominate the Southern Democratic primaries.

Fifth, he has the party establishment. No sane Democrat could possibly believe that replacing Obama with another nominee will improve the party’s prospects in November 2012. And Democratic officeholders who want to continue holding office know full well: The worse the party does at the top of the ticket, the worse it will do farther down (even state legislative elections are correlated with the presidential vote!). Self-interest, in other words, will make sure almost all of elected Democratic officialdom will get behind Obama. This means that Obama will control the superdelegates (...)